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Sunday, October 25, 2026

Trumpflation is Strangling the U.S.A.

I asked AI "What is the buying power of the American dollar today compared to the buying power of the dollar under President Obama?" 

The following is the answer I received:

"Due to inflation, a dollar today has significantly less purchasing power than it did during President Obama's administration. Overall, prices have risen roughly 45% to 55% since that period, meaning you need about $1.50 to $1.55 today to buy what $1.00 bought back then."

Americans are struggling to keep afloat and the current occupant of the White House, Donald Trump, could not care less as he has personally made millions and millions of dollars, regardless of The Emoluments Clauses. 

Saturday, October 17, 2026

Donald Trump's Troubling Retreat from Sanctions Against Russia

When the President of the United States makes a decision that benefits an adversary while weakening an American ally, questioning his motivations is not disloyalty. It is a responsibility of citizenship.

On September 18, 2026, President Donald Trump signed legislation intended to increase economic pressure on Russia for its continuing invasion of Ukraine. The legislation reflected a bipartisan congressional determination that Vladimir Putin's aggression should carry serious economic consequences.

Less than a month later, on October 16, Trump signed an executive order waiving major provisions of that very legislation. His justification? The national interest of the United States. Whose national interest, Mr. President? That question deserves considerably more than a presidential declaration. Why such a curious change of heart?

What happened during those few weeks that transformed sanctions against Russia from a necessary instrument of American foreign policy into something supposedly contrary to our national interests? Did Putin withdraw his troops from Ukraine? No. Did Russia abandon its campaign of military aggression? No. Did the Kremlin demonstrate some extraordinary commitment to peace that warranted a change in American policy? There is no convincing evidence that it did. Yet Donald Trump has chosen to relieve Russia of additional economic pressure. Why?

I am not suggesting that every decision benefiting Russia is necessarily evidence of improper motives. Foreign policy is complicated. Economic sanctions can produce unintended consequences, including higher energy prices and disruptions to international commerce. But those considerations do not eliminate the obligation to explain a decision. They make that obligation more important. And when the beneficiary is Vladimir Putin, the American people have every reason to demand an especially convincing explanation. 

There is a difference between legal authority and moral responsibility. Trump's executive order invokes a waiver provision Congress included in the legislation. Consequently, the president possesses statutory authority to suspend these sanctions, provided the law's reporting requirements are satisfied. However. possessing legal authority is not the same as exercising sound judgment. 

A president can act within the law while making a decision that is politically irresponsible, strategically shortsighted, or morally indefensible. The fundamental issue is not simply whether Trump can suspend these sanctions; it is whether he should.

Congress intended to increase pressure on Russia. Trump has chosen to withhold much of that pressure. The administration owes the public a clear explanation of what America expects to gain in return.

There is an underlying uncomfortable question of motivation. Donald Trump's relationship with Vladimir Putin has generated controversy for years. His repeated expressions of admiration for Putin's strength, his criticisms of traditional American allies, and his often confrontational treatment of Ukraine have created legitimate concerns about his foreign-policy priorities. None of those circumstances proves an improper relationship or hidden allegiance. But presidential conduct must be evaluated not only through the intentions a president claims, but also through the consequences his decisions produce. And the consequences here are difficult to ignore.

Russia avoids additional economic penalties. Ukraine loses a potential source of leverage. America's European allies are left questioning Washington's commitment to a united response to Russian aggression. Meanwhile, Putin gains another reason to believe that time may be working in his favor.

One must ask whether Trump is pursuing a carefully calculated diplomatic strategy or whether his personal political instincts and apparent preference for accommodation with Putin are influencing American foreign policy. If this is a negotiating strategy, what concessions has Russia offered? If it is an economic strategy intended to stabilize energy prices, what evidence demonstrates that suspending these sanctions will meaningfully benefit American consumers? And if this is truly about American national security, how does relieving pressure on a government engaged in military aggression advance that security? These are not unreasonable questions. They are essential ones.

What about the price of appeasement? History offers repeated warnings about the dangers of accommodating aggressive authoritarian governments in the hope that concessions will produce restraint. Diplomacy is indispensable. Negotiation is preferable to warfare. And no responsible American should casually dismiss the risks of escalating confrontation between nuclear powers. But diplomacy without credible consequences can become little more than an invitation to further aggression. 

Putin understands power. He understands leverage. He understands the strategic advantages of dividing adversaries and weakening alliances. What incentive does he have to change his behavior if Washington reduces economic pressure without obtaining meaningful concessions? 

Peace achieved through negotiation is desirable. Peace purchased by rewarding aggression is something altogether different. And a temporary reduction in tensions is not necessarily a durable peace. 

Congress must not become a spectator. There is another disturbing dimension to this decision. Congress enacted legislation intended to establish American policy toward Russia. Yet the broad waiver authority included in that legislation has allowed the president to suspend much of its practical effect. That may be legally permissible, but it raises serious questions about congressional responsibility. 

If members of Congress genuinely believe that sanctions are essential to American national security, they cannot simply congratulate themselves for passing legislation and then remain silent when its principal provisions are waived. Congress has oversight responsibilities. It should demand the administration's justification, examine the evidence, and determine whether the president's decision serves the purposes Congress intended. The separation of powers means little when one branch willingly abandons its responsibility to hold another accountable. And that responsibility belongs to Republicans and Democrats alike. 

America deserves better than blind loyalty. My concern extends beyond this particular executive order. It reflects a broader and increasingly troubling tendency in American politics to confuse loyalty to a president with loyalty to the country. Those are not the same things. A president is not the nation. A political party is not the Constitution. And questioning presidential decisions is not an act of disloyalty. Indeed, the willingness to challenge political authority is among the most important obligations of citizenship in a constitutional republic. 

We should not judge Trump's decision differently simply because we support or oppose him politically. We should judge it by the same standards we would apply to any American president: Does it advance the nation's security? Does it honor our commitments? Does it reflect sound judgment? Is it supported by credible evidence? And can the president explain its consequences honestly? Those questions should never depend on party affiliation.

Whose interests are being served with this executive order? I cannot claim to know what motivates Donald Trump. Neither can his most enthusiastic supporters nor his harshest critics. Perhaps he believes suspending these sanctions will create opportunities for negotiation. Perhaps he is concerned about energy prices and their economic and political consequences. Perhaps he sees advantages that have not yet been made public. 

But speculation about his intentions cannot substitute for accountability. What we can examine is the decision itself. And what we can reasonably conclude is that the president has chosen to spare Russia additional economic pressure while its invasion of Ukraine continues. 
That is a consequential decision. It deserves scrutiny, not applause merely because it bears Trump's signature. 

If there is a compelling national-security justification, let the administration present it. If Russia has offered meaningful concessions, let the American people understand what they are. If this decision will make America safer, let the president explain how. Until then, skepticism is not only justified. It is necessary. 

The question is not whether Donald Trump has the authority to make this decision. The question is whether he has the judgment to justify it. And perhaps the most disturbing question of all remains unanswered: When the President of the United States invokes America's national interest to justify a decision that benefits Vladimir Putin, are we witnessing an act of statesmanship or another example of presidential power exercised without sufficient accountability?

The American people deserve an answer. Vladimir Putin should not be the only one satisfied with it.

Tuesday, October 13, 2026

When Patriotism Becomes Political Hatred: The Decline of Civility in American Democracy

As I approach my 79th birthday, having lived through nearly eight decades of American political history, I find myself increasingly disturbed by the hostility, bitterness, and outright nastiness characterizing our political campaigns and the attitudes of many American voters.

Political campaigns have never been particularly gentle affairs. From the vicious exchanges between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson in 1800 to the bitter political struggles of more recent generations, personal attacks have always been part of American politics. But something seems different today. The attacks have become more exaggerated, more personal, and seemingly more acceptable.
We are no longer simply disagreeing about political policies. We are increasingly questioning one another's intelligence, integrity, morality, and patriotism.
I believe Donald Trump's rise to political power has contributed significantly to this deterioration. Trump did not invent political hostility, but his frequent use of insults, ridicule, inflammatory accusations, and personal attacks has helped normalize behavior once widely considered unbecoming of a president.
And the fact that Americans elected him president not once, but twice, suggests that a substantial portion of the electorate is willing to overlook, tolerate, or even applaud such conduct.
But my concern extends beyond Donald Trump and his political opponents. It is about what is happening to the American people themselves.
Political disagreements increasingly become personal confrontations. Friendships are strained, families become divided, and fellow citizens are labeled ignorant, dishonest, unpatriotic, or even enemies of America simply because they support a different political candidate.
Perhaps most disturbing is the growing tendency to confuse loyalty to a political leader or political party with loyalty to the United States.
Patriotism is not the exclusive property of Republicans, Democrats, conservatives, liberals, or supporters of any particular president.
Loving America does not require agreeing with its government. Nor does disagreeing with a president make someone disloyal to the nation.
Our democracy was founded upon the principle that citizens may disagree, debate, criticize, and challenge those who govern them. Political opposition is not a betrayal of democracy. It is an essential part of democracy.
I recognize that political polarization predates Donald Trump and that inflammatory rhetoric is not confined to one political party. Nevertheless, I believe his political success has contributed to making personal hostility a more prominent and acceptable feature of American political life.
We should be able to criticize political leaders forcefully without dehumanizing their supporters. We should be able to challenge another person's beliefs without automatically questioning that person's integrity. And we should be able to defend our political convictions without treating those who disagree as enemies.
That does not mean overlooking dishonesty, corruption, cruelty, or threats to democratic institutions. Respectful disagreement does not require silence in the face of wrongdoing. It requires distinguishing legitimate criticism of conduct from indiscriminate condemnation of people.
I have long believed in four fundamental principles: Decency, Integrity, Respect, and Truth.
Those principles should apply to everyone, regardless of political affiliation.
As the 2026 midterm elections approach, I wonder whether Americans will eventually rediscover the distinction between political opposition and personal hatred.
We do not have to agree with one another to respect one another. We do not have to support the same candidates to share a common commitment to our country.
And we certainly should not have to hate our fellow Americans to prove that we love America.
The greatest threat to American democracy may not be the political disagreements that divide us, but our growing inability to disagree without despising one another.
Ideas matter more than insults.